The leisure practice of the youth in the “Gigante Crocodilo Prime” in Braz il

The sound systems are mega-structures of electronic equipment used to liven up the parties held mainly on the outskirts of Belém, in the state of Pará, Brazil, being recognized as a cultural element, typical of this region and are mostly attended by young who are in the age group of 15 to 29 years old. The aim was to investigate the relationships established by young people during their leisure practices with the “Gigante Crocodilo Prime” sound system of Belém do Pará. The methodology has based on the qualitative approach and consisted of observing the leisure experience of young people in the context of sound system parties, and the data were analyzed by means of the content analysis technique, with the support of the NVivo software. It has been concluded that young people attend the sound system parties to develop a lifestyle taken by technology. Thus, the success and the effervescence of the sound system parties within the context of the outskirts of the city occur due to the development process of the parties themselves, which make their regulars being taken by a sort of sound frenzy that make them feel as if their bodies were being summoned to such venues.


Introduction
The sound systems are mega-structures of electronic sound equipment used to liven up the parties held mainly on the outskirts of Belém, in the state of Pará, Brazil, which have an indisputable importance in the occupation of the urban space, being recognized as a cultural elementas provided for by the Youth Statute, Law No. 12.852, issued in August 2013 (Brasil, 2013)typical of this region of the country and mostly attended by young Brazilian citizens who are in the age group of 15 to 29 years old.
The sound system party, therefore, is characterized as being immersed in an atmosphere of dispute, full of negotiations, which can be either peaceful or not. Thus, the party is not understood as a place where a truce is established, a truce to social differences, where each person is equal to the other, the party is not a place of conflict neutralization, which makes the people who attend there identical, but rather a place that touches on existing differences and starts to highlight the origins the people, thus intensifying the disputes, identification and formation of specific groups, which, consequently, sometimes lead to conflicts.
Thus, this survey paid special attention to the context of youth from the outskirts of Belém do Pará, who attend the sound system parties, in particular the Gigante Crocodilo Prime. The place of insertion of these young people in the hierarchical network of relationships, their bodily performances, their life stories, worldview and their point of view regarding their bodies. The appropriation of these young groups, their opinions and the power relations that are challenged in their living spaces of leisure. Another factor observed was the hegemony present in the social relations of the sound system parties, as well as the counter hegemonies that are established over time, through negotiations, conflicts, alliances and overlaps.
The attitudes of the groups of young people are also important points of the parties. The young people, by nature, already stand out for their rebellious behaviour and rule-breaking capacity. During the festive moment, some situations are allowed, while others are not. In addition, there are behaviours that are only accepted in the space of the sound system parties and for this reason, young people take advantage of the moment of the sound system party to show their true facets. The moment of the party is seen as a transformative element and even with a certain revolutionary potential, as it brings up possibilities that are not usually seen within society, and unique characteristics of the social and cultural relations of young people from the outskirts of the city of Belém.
Within the context of the sound system parties, a predominant rhythm in these spaces stands out, the "tecnobrega", a style of music that is linked to the "brega" (tacky or unfashionable) genre of Pará, inserted in the set of popular songs, and increased with the technological dimension. The "tecnobrega" is a type of popular music from the North of Brazil that has as main characteristic to be crossed by technology, therefore, its name, technotacky, which is the "brega" from Pará that was permeated by technology, which influences the behavior of this youth as well as the leisure experience itself.
In this way, the sound system parties can be recognized as spaces of resistance and struggle of these young people, since there they can perceive the potential for transformation and meaning that they have. In a way, many identities are present there, and are under constant threats of survival, since the model of the colonizing white man takes as negative some forms of appropriating and experiencing that public leisure. Hence the importance of using the perspective of Cultural Studies in this survey. Since its way of looking at the cultural phenomenon differs from other areas of knowledge, used from the perspective of interdisciplinarity, which is of considerable importance for the understanding of sound system parties, the status of young people, of the groups that are found there, the leisure, technology, music and the event itself, the Cultural Studies also gain strength, due to the theoretical framework that this field has, with regard to popular culture, which is the fundamental basis for understanding the purpose of this study.
The survey in question aimed to investigate the relationships established by young people during their leisure practices with the "Gigante Crocodilo Prime" sound system from Belém do Pará, Brazil.

Methodology
The methodology used consisted of observing the leisure experience of young people in the context of the sound system parties. Thus, a qualitative approach was chosen, while recognizing that this approach, like any other, is pervaded by both advantages and challenges. Challenges related to the breadth and extent that this concept covers and the particularities of its operation, as well as the limitations that this investigative field carries.
Based on its qualitative bias and, therefore, not concerned with numerical results, this survey focused on assessing and focusing on results that numerical values cannot achieve. Above all, by this method, this study aimed to work "with the universe of meanings, motives, aspirations, beliefs, values and attitudes that correspond to a deeper space of relationships, processes and phenomena that cannot be reduced to the operationalization of variables" (Minayo, 2002).
Thus, the moments in this investigative process were: participant observation on Monday and Thursday at the "Karibe Show" party house and on Friday at the "Point Show"both houses located on the outskirts of the citythe first being closest to Ananindeua, one of the cities that comprise the metropolitan region of Belém, and the second in Icoaraci, in the district of Belém, located in the Curió Utinga neighbourhood; notes transcribed into a field diary; bibliographic research; a questionnaire that was applied in a virtual, yet face-to-face manner, allowing for access to general information that have enabled us to draw a profile, although limited, of the young people surveyed, and the semi-structured interviews that contributed significantly in the data collection process.
The data empirically collected were interpreted by using the Content Analysis technique, with the support of Nvivo software, version 12.0. Since Content Analysis is "understood much more as a set of techniques" (Minayo, 2002) and, based on this methodological perspective, we sought to analyze the qualitative variables of the data collected, by using the techniques mentioned previously and that comprise the investigative structures of this type of research (Bardin, 2011). As for this format of investigation, it is understood that its foundation is to highlight the structural components of the matter investigated (Laville & Dionne, 2008).
As elements for the sampling base, the survey used the contents resulting from the interviews conducted by three interviewers who investigated the sound system parties, with 11 young people 1 , being 5 men and 6 women, and the records of exploratory research and participant observationsfield diary, photos and videos. The interviews with young people were the last activities to be conducted.
After the interviews, a Content Analysis was performed (Bardin, 2011), to transcribe the content surveyed, based on the analytical steps proposed by this author: pre-analysis, material exploration and treatment of results, inference and interpretation . Following this organization of data, the definition of recording units and categories was performed. Bardin (2011), defines the "recording unit" as "the unit of codified meaning, corresponding to the content segment considered as a base unit, aiming at categorization and frequency counting" (Bardin, 2011). As for "categorization", it is meant as a process of "classifying the elements which comprise a set, by differentiation and, subsequently, by grouping according to gender (analogy), with criteria previously defined" (Bardin, 2011). For this, the Nvivo software, version 12.0, was used, which is an electronic tool that helps organize the various contents present in the materials collected in their most diverse formats, such as text, image or audio. 30 cases were found, which were distributed as follows: 3 researchers, 16 observations and 11 young people. From the cases, 13 topics present in their contents were listed, and these topics supported the identification of the recording units, comprising a total of 88 coded units and grouped into 4 categories: equipment, youth, leisure and culture.
These data resulted from the exploratory research that took place between the months of March to July 2018, which contributed to define the number and which sound system parties would be investigated and the identification of the individuals involved (DJs, producers, young regular attendantsthe main focus of the study). The producers affirmed that the teams of the sound system parties that have a greater presence of young attendants, are "Crocodilo" and "SuperPop". This fact was confirmed with the application of the questionnaires, the interviews and with the observations made. In view of the surveys conducted, it was decided to follow the activities of the "Gigante Crocodilo Primethe animal plays everything from Pará" sound system, popularly known as "Croco", to develop this research, because it is believed that this sound system team would provide more subsidies and content for analysis.
The selection of individuals who participated in the investigation was conducted at the end of the observation period for the sound system parties, which allowed for the definition of the most appropriate criteria for the selection. However, in order to select the young persons who were part of this investigation, priority was given to those individuals who had more time of attendance in the activities of the sound system parties, more assiduous and recognised by the other attendants present there.
The information collected was systematized, through the transcription of the interviews and content analysis of the corpus comprised by them, in which it was sought to observe the regularities and recurrences among the set of experiences narrated in order to conduct in each of the interviews the analysis of the specifics of each experience of leisure living and participation in the sound system parties; the notes from the observations were transcribed into a field diary, containing descriptions of the people, places, events, behaviours, actions, attitudes, conversations, and other facts.

The city of Belém do Pará -Brazil
The city of Belém was founded on January 12, 1616, by Portuguese Captain-General Francisco Caldeira Castelo Branco, who was appointed by the Crown to conquer, occupy, explore and protect the mouth of the Amazon River against the Dutch and the British. When it was founded, the city was named "Feliz Lusitânia", later changing to "Santa Maria do Grão-Pará". In this colonial period, the economy of the hamlet depended on the collection of drugs from the backwoods, subsistence agriculture, livestock and fishing. In the 18th century, the town began to advance through the forest, moving away from the shore. In this way, Belém was no longer just a point of defense, but a point of penetration into the interior and conquest of the Amazon. Nowadays, the economy of Belém is quite diverse. Its activities are based on the activities of commerce, services, tourism and industrial activitywith emphasis on the food, naval, metallurgical and chemical industries, among others.  (1990, 1997, 2005 and 2011).
Having a record attendance of 65,000 people, on July 11, 1999, at the Clube do Remo and Paysandu Sport Club game (at the end of the Pará Championship), before the renovation.
The most popular musical rhythms in Belém are Calypso, Brega of Pará, Tecnobrega, Carimbó and Guitarrada.
According to Lemos (2008), "Tecnobrega was born from traditional Brega, produced in the 70s and 80s, when the gender movement was formed in Pará" (Lemos, 2008). In the 90s, artists from Pará, adding new elements to their productions, started to produce new musical styles, such as the Calypso, which originated under strong influences of Caribbean rhythms such as Bolero, Salsa, Rumba and Merengue. Lemos (2008), when elaborating a historical outline of the emergence of Tecnobrega, points out that its emergence occurred in the early 2000s, in the middle of year 2002. Yet Sarraf and Brito (2010), based on artists and producers linked to Tecnobrega, show, more precisely, that the rhythm was born in the "summer of Pará, in July 2002. This moment is considered the boom of the rhythm" (Sarraf & Brito, 2010). As a curiosity, Pabllo Vittar, in 2017, began to use the genre in his album, "Vai passar mal'', a fact that contributes to the realization that the popularity of this rhythm has begun to reach not only Belém, but also the entire national territory.

The sound system party
From the perspectives foreseen for this investigation, it is worth mentioning that it is first necessary to recognise its popularity and influence over a whole cycle of fun and entertainment within the city of Belém and its metropolitan region. It is necessary to recognise it as the major disseminator of the party circuit in the city of Belém, as pointed out by Lemos (2008) and Costa (2009), because the sound system parties, before anything else, comprise one of the main leisure activities in the city, with plenty of meanings, sociability and diverse practices.
But the Belém do Pará sound system parties still carry a certain negative connotation, especially for those who have never been to an event or festive activity livened up by a sound system. Sound system parties still suffer from the stigma of being a space for marginals and "malacos" (rascals). And this point of view is reinforced by the public security agents of the state of Pará.
Such point of view, reinforced by public security agents, has directly influenced the leisure experience of young people who attend the sound system parties, changing the way these young people are in these spaces, especially their presence organized in a group format, known and self-appointed as a "team", "fan-club", "crowd", "entourage" and what Lima (2008) calls "groups of enthusiasts and playful-associative compositions" and claims to be generally comprised of young people.
An element to be recognised in these spaces is the enhancement of their regional identity, strongly marked by the Tecnobrega. By appreciating what is local, the sound system party shows that there is no need to follow standards or fads that try to impose the behaviors and lifestyles to be followed by everyone (Hall, 2018). However, it is recognised the need to be attentive to the trends of the cultural industry as a whole.
This appreciation of what is typical of the land, the rhythm, the dance, its culture, which has a strong relationship with nature (with the forest, land and waters), somehow express a resistance and affirmation of their regional identity, perceptible in their artistic, cultural productions and daily relations. This way of being is present in their musical productions, in their spaces of sociability, as well as the entire context that surrounds them.
It is in this context that the sound system parties in Belém do Pará are inserted, as a leisure space, marked by this regional identity, which, while reaffirming it, through the appreciation of the local phonographic production, defies the imposition of a standardization of the cultural industry established by the south and southeast regions of the country.
Thus, from the cultural context of the sound system parties and the observations made during the development of this investigation, it has been realised that arriving at the beginning of the parties is often a guarantee of free entry, especially for women. The houses always carry out entrance promotions, whether they are free, with symbolic prices or through publicizing or sharing the event on their social networks. But, paying for entering seems not to be a problem for the attendants at the sound system parties, since they continue to arrive with the same intensity all night long, even after the period of free access to the party. This ease of entry does not always guarantee the full filling of the space at the beginning of the party, which often happens only after the closing of the promotional entries. Regardless of whether the entrance is free or not, the houses usually reach their full capacity.
The arrival of DJs, which is one of the most anticipated moments, always happens after the execution of a kind of jingle containing an introduction of them. They spend their entire performance communicating and interacting with the attendants, by inviting them to the next sound system performances, sending hugs to friends and announcing the names of people and groups present, meeting the requests of the participants of the party, through messages or their own mobile phones taken to the DJ to announce their names or the group. It is common for DJs to also announce their sponsors and partners, at the same time that the advertisements and logos of these sponsors and partners are projected on an LED panel, which is behind their soundboard. On this same panel, are also displayed announcements of upcoming performances and "no smoking" warnings. Regarding cigarette consumption, even with prohibition warnings on LED screens and signs scattered around the space, people usually smoke, ignoring the warnings and without the security guards calling their attention. The attendants who do not use these drugs, whether legal or illegal, do not seem to be bothered by their use.
On the occasions observed, both at the Karibe Show and the Point Show, on days that the Gigante Crocodilo Prime plays, it is possible to notice that there is a lot of alcohol consumption, among them beer, whisky and distilled beverages. It seems that having a bottle of whisky and a bucket of beer on the table is something indispensable for groups of young people who attend the parties. The buckets are bought during the whole party, but on promotion days (promotions in which the price of beer sold varies between BRL 1.49 and BRL 1.99 per can of 350 millilitres), some groups arrive earlier (making a queue) in order to ensure the numbers of buckets needed to last the time that they intend to remain at the party. These promotions start right at the beginning of the parties and have a set time to end.
The logic of consumption at sound system parties does not differ from other spaces in which buckets of beer and bottles of whisky are bought, in order to show off a certain purchasing power and social status, which is measured by the number of bottles of whisky and buckets of beer on the tables.
During the party, several rhythms are played, including the Tecnobrega, Brazilian Funk, Forró, Brazilian Country Music, international Pop and Dance Music, and, as already mentioned, Tecnobrega is the most played rhythm, and it is the rhythm that most excites and engages the attendants, making them dance a lot. They dance both on the dance floor and in spaces near their tables, unaccompanied persons, heterosexual couples and homosexual couples. Men dance together naturally, whether they are queer or not, an attitude that usually in other spaces would be repudiated or cause chauvinist jokes. The sound system parties seem to be a place where prejudice against queer people does not seem to exist. Perhaps this is why the presence of this community in this space is so common.
As a kind of need to show off, the intense use of smartphones is visible throughout the party, as a means of recording moments in photos, selfies, live streams and recordings. Such an attitude is close to that of Helena Abramo (1994), in highlighting the youthful characteristicespecially of young people immersed in the Cultural Industryof being seen, of showing off to others in their group and other groups, a fact easily verified throughout the party, regardless of the group, either through wearing their best clothes, or through consumption at their table, which highlights the clear goal of being noticed.
At the end of the party, which usually takes place around 5 a.m., in front of the concert hall, some young people, who do not live nearby, usually wait for the means of transport to go home, which ranges from a motorcycle taxi to an intercity bus.
Another highlight is the way the sound system parties always end their performances, with the DJ wishing a good return to their homes to the sound of a Gospel song.

The regulars
The parties are mostly attended by young people, divided equally between men and women. These are regulars who care about their appearance, where it was noticed that both men and women seem to choose their best clothes to enjoy the sound system party. The female costumes are always very well chosen and varied, ranging from the fashion style of the Brazilian funk balls in Rio de Janeiro to the style of the debutante balls, wearing from hotpants to long dresses, passing through tight costumes, denim trousers, slippers or sandals, trainers and heels, with a predominance of shorts and tight miniskirts, most showing off their bellies. A curious fact about young women is that they use to touch up their makeup in the middle of the public, without any concern. As for the male attendants, it is common for them to wear a cap, shorts, t-shirt, denim trousers, trainers and slippers, and only a few wear sleeveless t-shirts, which could be the most natural, considering the hot weather of the city of Belém.
Except for the stereotypes that the regulars themselves classify as "malacos" (rascals), it is difficult to identify the social class of the people who attend the sound system parties. However, according to the socialisation groups, and observing the conversations they hold, the majority are young people from the outskirts of the city. This observation could be better identified in the Crocodilo performances, at the Point Show, a space where the Crocodilo performs every Friday. Most of the regulars on Fridays are residents of the surroundings of the party house.
During the occasions observed, it was noticed the intense excitement of the participants in the sound system parties.
At certain times, the DJ who controls the sound system, stops the music so that the audience sings in choir a certain segment and interacts, not only by singing, but by dancing and gesturing to the song, the DJ or the sound system. The observation period allowed us to identify that the end of the party usually takes place around 5 a.m., when the sound system party is at between 20% and 50% of its maximum capacity.
Regarding the age group, despite trying to have some control at the entrance of the parties, which establishes 18 years old as the minimum age for access, there is a large presence of minors, who circumvent access by showing, in most cases, fake documents. These cases are mostly practised by teenage girls and it is noteworthy that the majority of the young women interviewed started attending the sound system parties before they were 18 years old.

The interests
With the data collected and the entire analysis process, here are presented the interests perceived for the regular attendants of sound system parties. For Parque Verde (18 y.o.) it is in these spaces that he is able to meet with friends, "at the Therefore, I could note that, as one of the main reasons that make these young people interviewed to attend the sound system party of the Gigante Crocodilo Prime team, is the feeling of belonging that they have in this specific party, with the rhythms played, the DJs that are performing and the audience present at this sound system party. This relationship with the public can be evidenced when observing the clothes that are worn by people, their place of origin (most of the outskirts of Belém), the way they behave and enjoy the party, the appropriations of these groups and also the common age group observed in these events.

Final Considerations
This survey aimed to investigate the relationships established by young people during their leisure practices at the sound system parties of the Gigante Crocodilo Prime team in Belém do Pará.
Thus, according to the perspectives of Cultural Studies, the sound system parties, attended by groups of young people, define a context that can be understood as a device of struggle and resistance, against standards stereotyped as correct and ideal. This field of study also helped understand the leisure experience of these young people who attend the sound system parties in Belém and who mostly live on the outskirts of the city.
Within this context, the sound system parties are comprised of the imposing technological part, but also by the human part. Since in that environment, one element needs the other and they work in perfect harmony, since the young people present there and the other social groups that frequent this leisure space, are tied to technology. The people present there react to technology, move to the sound of music, and this is a physical thing, technologically mediated, since the bodies when crossed by technology become an extension of this technology. With this fusion between the human and the technological, Belém becomes a city that trembles at the sound of the vibrant cyborgs that are commanded by the human extension of the party. This extension is highlighted there, since DJs in many moments only respond to the excitement of the audience and to the characteristics of the various sound system parties.
For these reasons, the youthful sociability that is developed implies a form of popular culture, expressed in this context through popular music, and that popular culture is understood in the current context, and not as an ancestral dimension, or as a reference to what is rural or localsmall communitiesbut understood and expressed through its crossing by technology. Since there is no longer the possibility of a pure, untouched, and immaculate popular culture, because even the local popular cultural production, when it happens, is embedded in the logic of global capitalism, mainly because of the technology that allows for the creation of a market. In other words, we are not dealing with the realities of rural contexts and small communities, with their musical practices in that specific reality, which owned their property and were understood as the legitimate expression or representation of popular culture through the traditional understanding of what a popular culture is.
But we are dealing with a style of popular music, crossed by technology -the "Tecnobrega".
Thus, this technology-crossed culture is not about inserting technology into a pre-existing culture. But, in a form of cultural production that brings in its origin and its constitution this technological crossing, i.e., its entire structure is technological, its production, reproduction and diffusion are permeated by technology and technological devices. Such reality brings questions to the traditional forms of music creation and production and, in some way, calls into question a series of concepts such as what originality is and what authenticity is, which can make us question who the real creators of this particular musical style were.
In short, young people, as dancing, performing bodies, involved in this cultural production, are driven to seek and attend these places for the development of this lifestyle taken by technology, in a place that is also mechanical and highly technological. Thus, the success and the effervescence of the sound system parties within the context of the outskirts of the city of Belém occur due to the development process of the parties themselves, which make their regulars being taken by a sort of sound frenzy that make them feel as if their bodies were being summoned to such venues.
Thus, the observation of the reality of young peoplewho experience a highly technological leisurecan bring a great contribution to the field of leisure studies, in a special way, and consequently to society, by enabling an expansion of the possibilities of understanding leisure and the condition of young people themselves, thus allowing for a greater articulation